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智利的鋰礦開采困境:如何協(xié)調(diào)經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)遇與環(huán)境關(guān)切

GENEVIEVE GLATSKY
2022-06-04

在如何開采鋰資源的問題上,,智利正處于一個(gè)十字路口。

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羅莎·拉莫斯(Rosa Ramos)還記得圣佩德羅·德·阿塔卡馬鎮(zhèn)在鋰礦開采熱潮涌動(dòng)之前的樣子。她回憶說,,這片位于智利北部的沙漠當(dāng)時(shí)是一個(gè)“與世隔絕的世界”:大多數(shù)人以放牧牛羊?yàn)樯?,夏天上山,冬天去鹽灘勞作,。

這種日子一直持續(xù)到20世紀(jì)80年代采礦業(yè)到來的時(shí)候,。采礦著實(shí)是一份辛苦的工作,但人們開始賺取更高的薪水,,這讓他們有能力建造更好的房子,,把出行工具從驢子換成汽車,并尋求中學(xué)之后的教育,。

十幾歲時(shí),,拉莫斯離開圣佩德羅去外地求學(xué),并最終獲得旅游學(xué)位,。然后,,她帶著全新的眼光重返家鄉(xiāng),。看到點(diǎn)綴在這片土地上的礦場越來越多時(shí),,她的心情非常復(fù)雜,。一方面,國內(nèi)和國際礦業(yè)巨頭給她的社區(qū)帶來了經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì),,但廣大居民還在遭受水電短缺的困擾,。

隨著新政府今年上臺(tái),在如何開采鋰資源的問題上,,智利正處于一個(gè)十字路口,。據(jù)業(yè)內(nèi)專家介紹,作為僅次于澳大利亞的世界第二大鋰生產(chǎn)國,,智利的鋰開采政策將直接影響到全球電動(dòng)汽車的生產(chǎn)和采用,。

“在決定我們能以多快的速度在全球推出電動(dòng)汽車方面,智利扮演著非常重要的角色,?!钡V產(chǎn)供應(yīng)價(jià)格報(bào)告機(jī)構(gòu)基準(zhǔn)礦業(yè)(Benchmark Minerals)的高級(jí)分析師卡梅倫?珀克斯(Cameron Perks)指出。

智利的新政府

事實(shí)上,,阿塔卡馬地區(qū)的小規(guī)模金屬礦開采,,已經(jīng)延續(xù)了好幾個(gè)世紀(jì)。到20世紀(jì)80年代和90年代,,在全球需求和奧古斯托·皮諾切特(Augusto Pinochet)政府的親商政策推動(dòng)下,,該地區(qū)的銅和鋰開采駛?cè)敫咚侔l(fā)展軌道。鋰業(yè)已成為智利經(jīng)濟(jì)的重要支柱,,尤其是與鄰國阿根廷和玻利維亞相比——這兩個(gè)國家基本上還沒有對(duì)其巨大儲(chǔ)量進(jìn)行商業(yè)化開采,。

不過,這種增長在最近幾年陷入停滯,。智利一直在艱難地增加產(chǎn)量,,并竭力維系其在全球市場中的地位。智利目前僅有的兩個(gè)采礦合同,,是與美國礦業(yè)巨頭雅寶公司(Albemarle)和智利化工礦業(yè)公司(SQM)簽訂的,。

2019年,長達(dá)數(shù)月的抗議活動(dòng)和殘酷鎮(zhèn)壓讓智利陷入動(dòng)蕩,。隨后的全民公投選出了一組智利人來起草一部新憲法,。而這部新憲法可能會(huì)極大地改變智利的水權(quán)和鋰開采政策。現(xiàn)在,,一場前所未有的憲法改革進(jìn)程,,以及新當(dāng)選的左翼總統(tǒng)、現(xiàn)年36歲的加布里埃爾·鮑里克(Gabriel Boric)在未來數(shù)月和數(shù)年做出的決策,,正在決定智利鋰礦開采的未來,。

今年3月上任的鮑里克已經(jīng)宣稱,,智利將奉行更加左翼,更強(qiáng)力的環(huán)保政策,。他在競選中提出,,到2050年實(shí)現(xiàn)凈零碳排放,關(guān)閉燃煤電廠,,并徹底改革國家的水管理系統(tǒng),。不過,他尚未對(duì)鋰礦開采問題表明堅(jiān)定立場,。

在當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)后的首次演講中,,鮑里克援引環(huán)保主義者使用的一個(gè)術(shù)語,鄭重承諾:“我們不想要更多的‘犧牲區(qū)’,。我們不想要那些收買,、破壞社區(qū),毀掉智利的開采項(xiàng)目,?!?/p>

他任命的環(huán)境部長馬薩?羅哈斯(Maisa Rojas),一位初登政壇的頂級(jí)氣候科學(xué)家,,正在推動(dòng)一項(xiàng)旨在引領(lǐng)智利到2050年實(shí)現(xiàn)碳中和的法律,。它將賦予政府更大的權(quán)力來限制排放,包括采礦業(yè)的排放,。在履新首周,,鮑里克簽署了聯(lián)合國的《埃斯卡蘇協(xié)定》(Escazu Agreement)。這項(xiàng)具有里程碑意義的環(huán)境條約,,為拉丁美洲和加勒比地區(qū)的環(huán)境信息獲取和環(huán)境正義提供了保證,。上屆政府沒有這樣做,。

此外,,對(duì)于環(huán)保人士的最新建議,新一屆政府似乎秉持更開放的態(tài)度,。國際環(huán)保組織自然資源保護(hù)委員會(huì)(Natural Resources Defense Council, NRDC)最近發(fā)布了一份關(guān)于南美洲鋰礦開采的報(bào)告,,建議政府確保當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)的知情同意權(quán),加強(qiáng)采礦作業(yè)的環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn),,并投資于鋰的其他獲取方式,,比如回收和“地?zé)崽徜嚒奔夹g(shù)。

拉蒙·巴爾卡扎爾(Ramón Balcázar)是NRDC報(bào)告的執(zhí)筆者之一,,也是位于圣佩德羅·德·阿塔卡馬的安第斯鹽灘多國觀測站(Plurinational Observatory of Andean Salt Flats)的協(xié)調(diào)員,。他指出,新政府比上屆政府更愿意傾聽原住民社區(qū)的關(guān)切,。這份報(bào)告的建議正在獲得更多的關(guān)注,,盡管相關(guān)建議還沒有落到實(shí)處,。

“現(xiàn)在有更多的社區(qū)、組織和機(jī)構(gòu)意識(shí)到了這個(gè)問題,?!彼赋觥?/p>

對(duì)環(huán)境的關(guān)切日益增長

隨著全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的去碳化進(jìn)程日益迫切,,一些人擔(dān)心,,包括玻利維亞和阿根廷在內(nèi)的所謂“鋰三角地區(qū)”將遭受脫碳的負(fù)面影響——它們將被視為一種必要的,即使是不幸的犧牲品,。

鋰礦開采的環(huán)境副作用包括水源枯竭,、喪失生物多樣性、擾亂當(dāng)?shù)厣鷳B(tài)系統(tǒng),、污染土壤和地下水,,等等。電池所用的鋰和其他金屬,,通常是在原住民土地附近開采的,。采礦作業(yè)會(huì)污染水或致使水源干涸、傷害生物多樣性,,并破壞圣地,。

采礦業(yè)的反對(duì)人士表示,如果不遏制所謂的“骯臟采礦”,,清潔能源轉(zhuǎn)型可能會(huì)重蹈它尋求取代的化石燃料經(jīng)濟(jì)的覆轍,。

阿塔卡馬沙漠是阿塔卡梅諾斯人數(shù)千年來賴以棲息的家園。作為“鋰三角”的一部分,,這片沙漠蘊(yùn)藏著世界上的大多數(shù)鋰資源,。除電動(dòng)汽車之外,鋰也是手機(jī)和光伏電池的關(guān)鍵材料之一,。

智利的鋰基本上是在阿塔卡馬沙漠鹽灘下的鹵水中發(fā)現(xiàn)的,。礦業(yè)公司將鹵水泵入池塘,讓其蒸發(fā)數(shù)月,,以提取這種貴金屬,。根據(jù)智利安托法加斯塔大學(xué)(University of Antofagasta)科學(xué)家英格麗德·迦瑟斯(Ingrid Garcés)發(fā)布的一份報(bào)告,在阿塔卡馬,,生產(chǎn)一噸鋰需要耗費(fèi)2000噸水,。最近的一項(xiàng)研究表明,采礦與阿塔卡馬地區(qū)的火烈鳥數(shù)量呈負(fù)相關(guān),,這可能是地表水下降所致,。

鋰業(yè)公司辯稱,鹵水不是水,,不能飲用或灌溉,,但一些研究表明,,抽取鹵水會(huì)影響淡水供應(yīng)。

“我們現(xiàn)在處于一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤的選擇框架中,,似乎非得在清潔能源和‘骯臟采礦’之間做出選擇,。在我看來,其實(shí)完全沒必要這樣做,?!比A盛頓非政府環(huán)保組織Earthworks的采礦項(xiàng)目主任帕亞爾·桑帕特(Payal Sampat)說。

不斷增長的需求

隨著世界為過渡到可再生能源和擺脫化石燃料設(shè)定了雄心勃勃的目標(biāo),,鋰的市場需求持續(xù)走高,。但環(huán)保人士警告稱,向可再生能源系統(tǒng)過渡所需的許多技術(shù)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施有其自身的社會(huì)和環(huán)境后果,。

根據(jù)基準(zhǔn)礦業(yè)提供給《財(cái)富》的數(shù)據(jù),,2021年的全球供需缺口高達(dá)6.3萬噸。該數(shù)據(jù)顯示,,到2030年,,全球的鋰需求預(yù)計(jì)將增長到四倍以上,其中越來越多的需求來自電動(dòng)汽車,。

美國和歐盟有意開發(fā)鋰礦,,但這些計(jì)劃開始遭遇隨之而來的反對(duì)。隨著全球鋰供應(yīng)陷入短缺荒,,礦業(yè)公司急于增加這種金屬的產(chǎn)量,,以滿足不斷暴漲的需求。

一些環(huán)保組織對(duì)這些預(yù)測提出質(zhì)疑,,聲稱目前的清潔能源投資并沒有讓增加采礦成為必要之舉——而且認(rèn)為不應(yīng)該這樣做,。

常駐猶他州的地下水和采礦顧問史蒂文·艾默曼(Steven Emerman)表示,除非礦業(yè)公司得到原住民社區(qū)的知情同意,,否則就應(yīng)該縮減鋰產(chǎn)量,。

“我想說的是,如果不能以一種符合人權(quán)的方式開采鋰礦,,這種能源轉(zhuǎn)型就需要進(jìn)行一些反思,?!彼赋?。

華盛頓零排放運(yùn)輸協(xié)會(huì)(Zero Emission Transportation Association)執(zhí)行主任喬·布里頓(Joe Britton)表示,盡管社區(qū)參與和部落協(xié)商至關(guān)重要,,但鋰礦開采是脫碳過程中避不開的一環(huán),。

“沒有關(guān)鍵礦物質(zhì)的支持,就不存在所謂的凈零經(jīng)濟(jì),。我們根本就不可能實(shí)現(xiàn)凈零排放目標(biāo),?!彼f,“所以我認(rèn)為一些團(tuán)體的態(tài)度非常虛偽,。他們一方面以極其強(qiáng)硬的語氣宣揚(yáng)凈零經(jīng)濟(jì)的必要性,,但同時(shí)又反對(duì)我們?yōu)閷?shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)所必須付出的種種努力?!?/p>

修憲提議

智利憲法草案的最新版本將于9月付諸表決,。該草案將擴(kuò)大原住民地區(qū)的環(huán)境權(quán)利和自治權(quán)。

普羅維登斯學(xué)院(Providence College)專門研究綠色技術(shù)和鋰提取的政治學(xué)教授西婭·里奧弗朗索斯(Thea Riofrancos)表示,,一旦獲得通過,,新憲法將躋身“世界上最進(jìn)步的憲法”之列。

擬納入新憲法草案的觀點(diǎn)包括自然權(quán)利,、動(dòng)物權(quán)利,、環(huán)境信息權(quán)、參與環(huán)境決策的權(quán)利,,并讓水成為一種公共品——這與皮諾切特時(shí)代的水資源私有化截然相反,。

修憲會(huì)議已經(jīng)批準(zhǔn)了一些條款,包括要求礦業(yè)公司為修復(fù)采礦破壞的環(huán)境買單,,禁止在冰川和其他保護(hù)區(qū)采礦,,保證農(nóng)民和原住民擁有安全獲取能源的權(quán)利,保護(hù)海洋和大氣,。然而,,一項(xiàng)有爭議的條款,即擴(kuò)大國家對(duì)礦場的所有權(quán),,被否決了,。

“我認(rèn)為全世界都應(yīng)該關(guān)注智利?!崩飱W弗朗索斯說,。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

譯者:任文科

羅莎·拉莫斯(Rosa Ramos)還記得圣佩德羅·德·阿塔卡馬鎮(zhèn)在鋰礦開采熱潮涌動(dòng)之前的樣子。她回憶說,,這片位于智利北部的沙漠當(dāng)時(shí)是一個(gè)“與世隔絕的世界”:大多數(shù)人以放牧牛羊?yàn)樯?,夏天上山,冬天去鹽灘勞作,。

這種日子一直持續(xù)到20世紀(jì)80年代采礦業(yè)到來的時(shí)候,。采礦著實(shí)是一份辛苦的工作,但人們開始賺取更高的薪水,,這讓他們有能力建造更好的房子,,把出行工具從驢子換成汽車,并尋求中學(xué)之后的教育。

十幾歲時(shí),,拉莫斯離開圣佩德羅去外地求學(xué),,并最終獲得旅游學(xué)位。然后,,她帶著全新的眼光重返家鄉(xiāng),。看到點(diǎn)綴在這片土地上的礦場越來越多時(shí),,她的心情非常復(fù)雜,。一方面,國內(nèi)和國際礦業(yè)巨頭給她的社區(qū)帶來了經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì),,但廣大居民還在遭受水電短缺的困擾,。

隨著新政府今年上臺(tái),在如何開采鋰資源的問題上,,智利正處于一個(gè)十字路口,。據(jù)業(yè)內(nèi)專家介紹,作為僅次于澳大利亞的世界第二大鋰生產(chǎn)國,,智利的鋰開采政策將直接影響到全球電動(dòng)汽車的生產(chǎn)和采用,。

“在決定我們能以多快的速度在全球推出電動(dòng)汽車方面,智利扮演著非常重要的角色,?!钡V產(chǎn)供應(yīng)價(jià)格報(bào)告機(jī)構(gòu)基準(zhǔn)礦業(yè)(Benchmark Minerals)的高級(jí)分析師卡梅倫?珀克斯(Cameron Perks)指出。

智利的新政府

事實(shí)上,,阿塔卡馬地區(qū)的小規(guī)模金屬礦開采,,已經(jīng)延續(xù)了好幾個(gè)世紀(jì)。到20世紀(jì)80年代和90年代,,在全球需求和奧古斯托·皮諾切特(Augusto Pinochet)政府的親商政策推動(dòng)下,,該地區(qū)的銅和鋰開采駛?cè)敫咚侔l(fā)展軌道。鋰業(yè)已成為智利經(jīng)濟(jì)的重要支柱,,尤其是與鄰國阿根廷和玻利維亞相比——這兩個(gè)國家基本上還沒有對(duì)其巨大儲(chǔ)量進(jìn)行商業(yè)化開采,。

不過,這種增長在最近幾年陷入停滯,。智利一直在艱難地增加產(chǎn)量,,并竭力維系其在全球市場中的地位。智利目前僅有的兩個(gè)采礦合同,,是與美國礦業(yè)巨頭雅寶公司(Albemarle)和智利化工礦業(yè)公司(SQM)簽訂的,。

2019年,長達(dá)數(shù)月的抗議活動(dòng)和殘酷鎮(zhèn)壓讓智利陷入動(dòng)蕩,。隨后的全民公投選出了一組智利人來起草一部新憲法,。而這部新憲法可能會(huì)極大地改變智利的水權(quán)和鋰開采政策。現(xiàn)在,,一場前所未有的憲法改革進(jìn)程,,以及新當(dāng)選的左翼總統(tǒng)、現(xiàn)年36歲的加布里埃爾·鮑里克(Gabriel Boric)在未來數(shù)月和數(shù)年做出的決策,,正在決定智利鋰礦開采的未來,。

今年3月上任的鮑里克已經(jīng)宣稱,智利將奉行更加左翼,,更強(qiáng)力的環(huán)保政策,。他在競選中提出,到2050年實(shí)現(xiàn)凈零碳排放,,關(guān)閉燃煤電廠,,并徹底改革國家的水管理系統(tǒng)。不過,,他尚未對(duì)鋰礦開采問題表明堅(jiān)定立場,。

在當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)后的首次演講中,鮑里克援引環(huán)保主義者使用的一個(gè)術(shù)語,,鄭重承諾:“我們不想要更多的‘犧牲區(qū)’,。我們不想要那些收買、破壞社區(qū),,毀掉智利的開采項(xiàng)目,。”

他任命的環(huán)境部長馬薩?羅哈斯(Maisa Rojas),,一位初登政壇的頂級(jí)氣候科學(xué)家,,正在推動(dòng)一項(xiàng)旨在引領(lǐng)智利到2050年實(shí)現(xiàn)碳中和的法律。它將賦予政府更大的權(quán)力來限制排放,,包括采礦業(yè)的排放,。在履新首周,鮑里克簽署了聯(lián)合國的《埃斯卡蘇協(xié)定》(Escazu Agreement),。這項(xiàng)具有里程碑意義的環(huán)境條約,,為拉丁美洲和加勒比地區(qū)的環(huán)境信息獲取和環(huán)境正義提供了保證。上屆政府沒有這樣做,。

此外,,對(duì)于環(huán)保人士的最新建議,新一屆政府似乎秉持更開放的態(tài)度,。國際環(huán)保組織自然資源保護(hù)委員會(huì)(Natural Resources Defense Council, NRDC)最近發(fā)布了一份關(guān)于南美洲鋰礦開采的報(bào)告,,建議政府確保當(dāng)?shù)厣鐓^(qū)的知情同意權(quán),加強(qiáng)采礦作業(yè)的環(huán)境標(biāo)準(zhǔn),,并投資于鋰的其他獲取方式,,比如回收和“地?zé)崽徜嚒奔夹g(shù),。

拉蒙·巴爾卡扎爾(Ramón Balcázar)是NRDC報(bào)告的執(zhí)筆者之一,也是位于圣佩德羅·德·阿塔卡馬的安第斯鹽灘多國觀測站(Plurinational Observatory of Andean Salt Flats)的協(xié)調(diào)員,。他指出,,新政府比上屆政府更愿意傾聽原住民社區(qū)的關(guān)切。這份報(bào)告的建議正在獲得更多的關(guān)注,,盡管相關(guān)建議還沒有落到實(shí)處,。

“現(xiàn)在有更多的社區(qū)、組織和機(jī)構(gòu)意識(shí)到了這個(gè)問題,?!彼赋觥?/p>

對(duì)環(huán)境的關(guān)切日益增長

隨著全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的去碳化進(jìn)程日益迫切,,一些人擔(dān)心,,包括玻利維亞和阿根廷在內(nèi)的所謂“鋰三角地區(qū)”將遭受脫碳的負(fù)面影響——它們將被視為一種必要的,即使是不幸的犧牲品,。

鋰礦開采的環(huán)境副作用包括水源枯竭,、喪失生物多樣性、擾亂當(dāng)?shù)厣鷳B(tài)系統(tǒng),、污染土壤和地下水,,等等。電池所用的鋰和其他金屬,,通常是在原住民土地附近開采的,。采礦作業(yè)會(huì)污染水或致使水源干涸、傷害生物多樣性,,并破壞圣地,。

采礦業(yè)的反對(duì)人士表示,如果不遏制所謂的“骯臟采礦”,,清潔能源轉(zhuǎn)型可能會(huì)重蹈它尋求取代的化石燃料經(jīng)濟(jì)的覆轍,。

阿塔卡馬沙漠是阿塔卡梅諾斯人數(shù)千年來賴以棲息的家園。作為“鋰三角”的一部分,,這片沙漠蘊(yùn)藏著世界上的大多數(shù)鋰資源,。除電動(dòng)汽車之外,,鋰也是手機(jī)和光伏電池的關(guān)鍵材料之一,。

智利的鋰基本上是在阿塔卡馬沙漠鹽灘下的鹵水中發(fā)現(xiàn)的,。礦業(yè)公司將鹵水泵入池塘,,讓其蒸發(fā)數(shù)月,以提取這種貴金屬,。根據(jù)智利安托法加斯塔大學(xué)(University of Antofagasta)科學(xué)家英格麗德·迦瑟斯(Ingrid Garcés)發(fā)布的一份報(bào)告,,在阿塔卡馬,,生產(chǎn)一噸鋰需要耗費(fèi)2000噸水,。最近的一項(xiàng)研究表明,,采礦與阿塔卡馬地區(qū)的火烈鳥數(shù)量呈負(fù)相關(guān),,這可能是地表水下降所致。

鋰業(yè)公司辯稱,,鹵水不是水,,不能飲用或灌溉,但一些研究表明,,抽取鹵水會(huì)影響淡水供應(yīng),。

“我們現(xiàn)在處于一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤的選擇框架中,,似乎非得在清潔能源和‘骯臟采礦’之間做出選擇,。在我看來,其實(shí)完全沒必要這樣做,?!比A盛頓非政府環(huán)保組織Earthworks的采礦項(xiàng)目主任帕亞爾·桑帕特(Payal Sampat)說。

不斷增長的需求

隨著世界為過渡到可再生能源和擺脫化石燃料設(shè)定了雄心勃勃的目標(biāo),,鋰的市場需求持續(xù)走高,。但環(huán)保人士警告稱,向可再生能源系統(tǒng)過渡所需的許多技術(shù)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施有其自身的社會(huì)和環(huán)境后果,。

根據(jù)基準(zhǔn)礦業(yè)提供給《財(cái)富》的數(shù)據(jù),,2021年的全球供需缺口高達(dá)6.3萬噸。該數(shù)據(jù)顯示,,到2030年,,全球的鋰需求預(yù)計(jì)將增長到四倍以上,其中越來越多的需求來自電動(dòng)汽車,。

美國和歐盟有意開發(fā)鋰礦,,但這些計(jì)劃開始遭遇隨之而來的反對(duì)。隨著全球鋰供應(yīng)陷入短缺荒,,礦業(yè)公司急于增加這種金屬的產(chǎn)量,,以滿足不斷暴漲的需求。

一些環(huán)保組織對(duì)這些預(yù)測提出質(zhì)疑,,聲稱目前的清潔能源投資并沒有讓增加采礦成為必要之舉——而且認(rèn)為不應(yīng)該這樣做,。

常駐猶他州的地下水和采礦顧問史蒂文·艾默曼(Steven Emerman)表示,除非礦業(yè)公司得到原住民社區(qū)的知情同意,,否則就應(yīng)該縮減鋰產(chǎn)量,。

“我想說的是,如果不能以一種符合人權(quán)的方式開采鋰礦,,這種能源轉(zhuǎn)型就需要進(jìn)行一些反思,。”他指出,。

華盛頓零排放運(yùn)輸協(xié)會(huì)(Zero Emission Transportation Association)執(zhí)行主任喬·布里頓(Joe Britton)表示,,盡管社區(qū)參與和部落協(xié)商至關(guān)重要,,但鋰礦開采是脫碳過程中避不開的一環(huán)。

“沒有關(guān)鍵礦物質(zhì)的支持,,就不存在所謂的凈零經(jīng)濟(jì),。我們根本就不可能實(shí)現(xiàn)凈零排放目標(biāo)?!彼f,,“所以我認(rèn)為一些團(tuán)體的態(tài)度非常虛偽。他們一方面以極其強(qiáng)硬的語氣宣揚(yáng)凈零經(jīng)濟(jì)的必要性,,但同時(shí)又反對(duì)我們?yōu)閷?shí)現(xiàn)這一目標(biāo)所必須付出的種種努力,。”

修憲提議

智利憲法草案的最新版本將于9月付諸表決,。該草案將擴(kuò)大原住民地區(qū)的環(huán)境權(quán)利和自治權(quán),。

普羅維登斯學(xué)院(Providence College)專門研究綠色技術(shù)和鋰提取的政治學(xué)教授西婭·里奧弗朗索斯(Thea Riofrancos)表示,一旦獲得通過,,新憲法將躋身“世界上最進(jìn)步的憲法”之列,。

擬納入新憲法草案的觀點(diǎn)包括自然權(quán)利、動(dòng)物權(quán)利,、環(huán)境信息權(quán),、參與環(huán)境決策的權(quán)利,并讓水成為一種公共品——這與皮諾切特時(shí)代的水資源私有化截然相反,。

修憲會(huì)議已經(jīng)批準(zhǔn)了一些條款,,包括要求礦業(yè)公司為修復(fù)采礦破壞的環(huán)境買單,禁止在冰川和其他保護(hù)區(qū)采礦,,保證農(nóng)民和原住民擁有安全獲取能源的權(quán)利,,保護(hù)海洋和大氣。然而,,一項(xiàng)有爭議的條款,,即擴(kuò)大國家對(duì)礦場的所有權(quán),被否決了,。

“我認(rèn)為全世界都應(yīng)該關(guān)注智利,。”里奧弗朗索斯說,。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

譯者:任文科

Rosa Ramos remembers the town of San Pedro de Atacama before the lithium mining boom. She recalls the northern Chilean desert as a “world apart” back then: Most people herded cattle and sheep, going up to the mountains in the summer and out to the salt flats in the winter.

That was until mining arrived in the 1980s. It was grueling work, but people started to earn higher salaries that allowed them to build nicer houses, swap donkeys for cars, and seek education beyond secondary school.

After leaving San Pedro as a teenager to attend school and eventually receive a degree in tourism, Ramos returned with a new outlook. As she watched the increasing number of mines dotting the landscape, she struggled to reconcile the economic opportunities both domestic and international mining giants brought to her community while its own people continued to suffer water and electricity shortages.

With a new government in power this year, Chile is now at a crossroads when it comes to how its lithium resources will be mined. As the world’s second largest producer of lithium after Australia, Chile’s lithium mining policies will have a direct impact on global electric vehicle production and adoption according to industry experts.

“Chile is a very important player in determining how fast we can roll out electric vehicles globally,” says Cameron Perks, a senior analyst at Benchmark Minerals, a price reporting agency in mineral supplies.

Chile’s new government

While small-scale metal mining has existed in the Atacama region for centuries, copper and lithium mining saw a boom in the 1980s and 1990s due to global demand and the business-friendly policies of Augusto Pinochet. Lithium became a major part of the economy, especially compared to its neighbors Argentina and Bolivia, which generally have not commercialized their massive reserves.

That growth has stagnated in recent years and Chile has struggled to increase production and maintain its role in the global marketplace. Currently the only two mining contracts in Chile are with the U.S. mining company Albemarle and the Chilean mining company SQM.

Months of protests and a brutal crackdown that roiled the country in 2019 resulted in a national referendum that elected a group of Chileans to write a new constitution, which could significantly alter Chile's water rights and lithium policy. Now, the future of lithium mining is being determined through an unprecedented constitutional reform process and the decisions that the country’s new 36-year old left-wing president Gabriel Boric will make in the coming months and years.

Boric, who took office in March, has signaled that Chile is moving in a more leftist, environmentally proactive direction. He campaigned on net zero carbon emissions by 2050, shutting down coal-fired plants and overhauling the country’s water management system. However, he has yet to stake out a firm position on lithium mining.

“We don't want more ‘sacrifice zones.’ We don't want projects that destroy our Chile, that buy and destroy communities,” Boric promised in his first speech as president-elect, referencing a term used by environmentalists.

Maisa Rojas, his environmental minister, is a top climate scientist and political newcomer who is spearheading a law to commit Chile to carbon neutrality by 2050. It would give the government more power to cap emissions, including for the mining sector. In his first week in office, Boric signed the United Nations' Escazu Agreement, a landmark environmental treaty that guarantees access to information and environmental justice in Latin America and the Caribbean. The previous government had held back from doing so.

The incoming government also appears to be more open to environmentalists' latest recommendations. A recent report?on lithium mining in South America from the Natural Resources Defense Council, an international environmental organization, recommended ensuring informed consent of local communities, strengthening environmental standards for mining operations and investing in alternative ways to obtain lithium like recycling and geothermal direct lithium extraction.

Ramón Balcázar, one of the co-authors of the NRDC report and coordinator of the Plurinational Observatory of Andean Salt Flats in San Pedro de Atacama, also says that the new government is more receptive to the concerns of indigenous communities compared to their predecessors. He sees the report’s recommendations attracting more attention, although they have not yet been implemented.

“There are many more communities, organizations and institutions that have awareness on this issue today,” he notes.

Growing environmental concerns

In the urgent push to decarbonize the global economy, some fear that regions like the so-called lithium triangle that includes Bolivia and Argentina will suffer the negative effects of decarbonization — that they will be seen as a necessary if unfortunate tradeoff.

Environmental side effects of lithium mining can include depleted water sources, loss of biodiversity, disturbance to local ecosystems, and contaminated soil and groundwater. Lithium and other metals used for electric batteries are often mined near indigenous lands, and mining operations contaminate or dry up water, hurt biodiversity and damage sacred land.

Mining opponents say that the clean energy transition could be on track to replicate the same mistakes of the fossil fuel economy that it seeks to replace if the practice of so-called “dirty mining” is not curbed.

The Atacama desert, home to the Atacame?os people for thousands of years, is part of the lithium triangle, home to most of the world’s lithium resources?— one of the key materials also used in electric batteries found in cell phones and solar panels.

Much of Chile’s lithium is found in the brines beneath the Atacama desert’s salt flats or salares. Mining operators pump this brine water into ponds and let it evaporate over many months to extract the valuable metal. In the Atacama, it takes 2,000 tons of water to produce one ton of lithium, according to a report from Ingrid Garcés, a scientist at Chile’s University of Antofagasta. One recent study showed that mining was negatively correlated with flamingo populations in the Atacama, potentially due to declining surface water.

Lithium companies argue that brine is not water, and can’t be used for drinking or irrigation, but some research suggests that brine pumping affects freshwater supply.

“I think it is framed as a false choice, currently, that we would have to choose between clean energy and dirty mining, we absolutely don't need to be making that choice,” says Payal Sampat, the mining program director at the Washington D.C. based environmental NGO Earthworks.

Growing demand

While lithium is increasingly in high demand as the world sets ambitious goals for the transition to renewable energy and away from fossil fuels, environmental advocates warn many of the technologies and infrastructures needed to transition to a renewable energy system have their own social and environmental consequences.

Data provided to Fortune from Benchmark Minerals shows demand outpacing supply globally by 63,000 tons in 2021. That data shows that demand is expected to increase more than four-fold by 2030 with an ever-increasing majority coming from electric vehicles.

As the U.S. and E.U. are looking to open up lithium mines and are beginning to encounter the backlash that goes along with them, mining companies are eager to increase lithium production to meet an exploding demand amidst a global shortage of the metal.

Some environmentalist groups dispute these projections, arguing current clean energy investments don’t necessitate increased mining — and don’t think they should.

Steven Emerman, a Utah-based groundwater and mining consultant, said that lithium production should be scaled back unless companies get the informed consent of indigenous communities.

“If you can't mine lithium in such a way that's consistent with human rights, I would say that this energy transition needs some rethinking,” he notes.

Joe Britton, executive director of the Zero Emission Transportation Association in D.C., says that while community engagement and tribal consultation are crucial, lithium mining is an inevitable part of decarbonization.

“Without critical minerals… a net-zero economy does not exist. It is impossible for us to achieve,” he says. “So I think there's some hypocrisy in the sense that some groups are very, very strident about the necessity of a net-zero economy but at the very same time are going to oppose all the things that we need to do to get there.”

Proposed changes

The latest version of Chile’s constitutional draft, which would expand environmental rights and increase autonomy for indigenous territories, will be put to a vote in September.

If it passes, the new constitution would be among “the most progressive in the world,” says Thea Riofrancos, a political science professor at Providence College who specializes in green technology and lithium extraction.

Among ideas up for inclusion in the draft are the rights of nature, the rights of animals, rights to environmental information and participation in environmental decision making, and making water a public good — a reversal from the water privatization of the Pinochet era.

The constitutional assembly has already approved provisions that would require miners to pay to repair environmental damage where mining takes place, ban mining in glaciers and other protected areas, and guarantee farmers and indigenous people the right to safe energy access, protection of oceans and the atmosphere. However, a controversial provision that would have expanded state ownership over mines was rejected.

“I think the world should be watching Chile,” says Riofrancos.

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