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人們擔(dān)心的新興市場危機并未發(fā)生,。全球經(jīng)濟擺脫困境了嗎?

美國大舉加息對全球資本流動產(chǎn)生了影響,,將美元推高至接近歷史高點,。然而,對新興市場崩潰的悲觀預(yù)測并未成真,。

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與會者出席2023年6月20日在加納阿克拉舉行的非洲進出口銀行(African Export-Import Bank)年會。圖片來源:ERNEST ANKOMAH—GETTY IMAGES

2022年,,在美聯(lián)儲(Federal Reserve)開始以40年來最快的速度加息后,,人們普遍擔(dān)心新興市場會出現(xiàn)危機?!懊绹驀娞?,世界經(jīng)濟就會感冒”這句老話恰如其分地反映了這一擔(dān)憂。美國大規(guī)模經(jīng)濟刺激帶來了令人羨慕的經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇,,但也導(dǎo)致了通脹飆升,。如今,全世界都必須承擔(dān)美國加息帶來的重?fù)?dān),,新興市場也因此面臨風(fēng)險。

但擔(dān)憂的情況并未發(fā)生,。毋庸置疑的是,,美國大舉加息對全球資本流動產(chǎn)生了影響,將美元推高至接近歷史高點。然而,,對新興市場崩潰的悲觀預(yù)測并未成真,。2022年7月的一則典型標(biāo)題是:“新興市場即將迎來歷史性的違約浪潮”。這究竟是虛驚一場,,還是對即將到來的真正危機的警告,?

怎樣才會得感冒

對美國加息帶來的附帶損害的擔(dān)憂并非毫無根據(jù)。在過去幾十年中,,利率上升往往成為新興市場危機的驅(qū)動因素,。20世紀(jì)80年代的拉美債務(wù)危機(在保羅·沃爾克大舉加息之后)、20世紀(jì)90年代中期的墨西哥金融危機(Mexican Financial Crisis,,在艾倫·格林斯潘收緊政策之后)以及1997年的亞洲金融危機(Asian Financial Crisis,,1998年波及拉美和東歐)都有其特殊的驅(qū)動因素,但美國利率上升都起到了一定的作用,。

當(dāng)美國利率上升時,,經(jīng)濟感染可能會通過一系列連鎖效應(yīng)擴散。當(dāng)?shù)乩蕰S著美國利率的上升而上升,,使得新興市場經(jīng)濟體面臨不可持續(xù)的債務(wù)水平,。這反過來又會使新興市場更難吸引資本,甚至導(dǎo)致資本外逃,。其結(jié)果是美元走強,,新興市場貨幣走弱,對于固定匯率制度或以美元而非本幣借款的國家來說,,這是一大特殊問題,。最重要的是,美國加息的目的是減緩本國經(jīng)濟增長速度,,從而降低出口量和對其他國家的匯款,。

新興市場經(jīng)濟體如今更加強勁

盡管感染渠道幾乎沒有發(fā)生改變,但如今新興市場增強了抵御風(fēng)險能力,。美國打噴嚏不再自然而然地意味著新興市場也會感冒,。

毋庸置疑的是,新興市場的孤立挑戰(zhàn)繼續(xù)蔓延到斯里蘭卡,、巴基斯坦和贊比亞等地,。各國面臨的挑戰(zhàn)都是在美國加息周期之前出現(xiàn)的,盡管美國加息可能加劇了各國已有的問題,。但沒有證據(jù)表明會出現(xiàn)系統(tǒng)性和傳染性的經(jīng)濟危機——就像20世紀(jì)90年代末亞洲金融危機影響全球經(jīng)濟那樣,。

為什么如今的新興市場經(jīng)濟體比20世紀(jì)八九十年代更加強勁?簡單地說,,盡管新興市場經(jīng)濟體是多元化群體,,但平均而言,,各經(jīng)濟體如今更強大,浪費更少,,而且管理日臻完善,。

關(guān)鍵經(jīng)濟體的外匯儲備余額增加,增強了其抵御風(fēng)險能力,。許多經(jīng)濟體成功擺脫了以美元計價的債務(wù),,而且隨著本幣債務(wù)份額的增加,受匯率波動影響的程度也有所降低,。同時,,能夠迅速消耗外匯儲備的匯率剛性已經(jīng)被匯率政策的靈活性所取代。

更完善的經(jīng)濟管理也會帶來回報,。近年來,,與美國和其他發(fā)達國家相比,這些市場審慎的財政政策減少了新冠疫情引發(fā)的刺激,,從而減少了新債務(wù),。許多國家對新冠疫情后的通脹壓力做出快速反應(yīng),這表明其央行的獨立性和可信度均有所提高,。

這種潛在的抵御風(fēng)險能力在市場上也是顯而易見的,。自2022年年初以來,墨西哥比索和巴西雷亞爾等新興市場貨幣對美元走強,,而發(fā)達市場同類貨幣(歐元,、日元)則走弱。新興市場和發(fā)達市場長期利率之間的利差一直在壓縮,。

完全免疫并不現(xiàn)實

雖然抵御風(fēng)險能力很重要,,但并不能完全避免感染。預(yù)計新興市場會出現(xiàn)更多孤立的危機,。事實上,,在大多數(shù)年份,新興市場最不發(fā)達的10%的經(jīng)濟體都出現(xiàn)了負(fù)增長,,這一比例在發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體中很少見,。但大范圍蔓延的門檻更高。

一場具有全球系統(tǒng)性影響的危機需要多種因素共同作用,。首要因素是規(guī)模,。要想產(chǎn)生全球影響,需要具有重大經(jīng)濟影響力的市場出現(xiàn)動蕩,。據(jù)估計,,新興經(jīng)濟體對發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體的“溢出效應(yīng)”僅為發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體對新興經(jīng)濟體“溢出效應(yīng)”的五分之一。第二大因素是金融聯(lián)結(jié),。實體經(jīng)濟下滑本身并不足以推動危機迅速蔓延,,并產(chǎn)生破壞性影響,,因此,需要金融系統(tǒng)在危機中起到放大和加速作用,。第三大因素是出其不意。如果一場危機隨著時間的推移而加?。ㄍǔG闆r下,,政府會試圖控制問題),市場和銀行通??梢宰龀稣{(diào)整并減少損失,。第四大因素是地緣政治。一場嚴(yán)重的沖突可能導(dǎo)致局勢復(fù)雜化,,并快速造成不可預(yù)測的破壞,。

戰(zhàn)術(shù)前景如何?美國利率快速上升的最糟糕時期已經(jīng)過去,,見頂近在眼前,。與此同時,美元已經(jīng)從幾十年來的高點回落,,緩解了壓力,。盡管如此,除非美國經(jīng)濟陷入衰退,,否則高利率可能會持續(xù)下去,,而且隨著債務(wù)到期,以及必須逐步展期,,高利率的全面沖擊才會逐漸顯現(xiàn),。

如何做到在疾病傳染時不被感染?

新興市場危機的風(fēng)險對美國意味著什么,?從歷史上看,,新興市場危機的危害往往被高估了。美國躲過了最嚴(yán)重的沖擊,,這或許不公平(美國利率上升往往是導(dǎo)火索),。美國可能會打噴嚏,但不會感冒,。

想想20世紀(jì)90年代末的亞洲金融危機吧,。這場危機從亞洲蔓延到拉丁美洲和東歐,并通過俄羅斯一路蔓延到美國,。美國最大的受害者是長期資本管理公司(Long-Term Capital Management),。1998年9月,該大型對沖基金需要自己的銀行家來拯救,。系統(tǒng)性風(fēng)險不容忽視,,市場情緒顯然是恐懼的,。時任美國聯(lián)邦儲備委員會(Federal Reserve Board)主席的艾倫·格林斯潘甚至說:“在世界壓力急劇增加的情況下,美國能夠保持‘繁榮的綠洲’地位而不受影響是難以置信的,?!?/p>

然而,盡管疾病蔓延到了美國,,但還是得到了控制,。美國的季度GDP增長率在1997年第二季度之后沒有低于3%,而且總體上更為強勁,。只是在新興市場危機過去后,,美國本土互聯(lián)網(wǎng)泡沫破裂時,其季度GDP增長率才出現(xiàn)下跌,。

全球宏觀經(jīng)濟總是在各大危機之間徘徊——從未進入經(jīng)濟學(xué)教科書里所說的平衡狀態(tài),。過去,新興市場危機一直是全球關(guān)注的焦點,,未來可能還會如此,。但如今的情況并非如此,這是有充分理由的,。對于那些持相反觀點的人,,我們要求他們承擔(dān)相當(dāng)大的舉證責(zé)任。(財富中文網(wǎng))

菲利普·卡爾松-斯萊扎克(Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak)是波士頓咨詢公司(BCG)紐約辦事處的董事總經(jīng)理兼合伙人,,也是該公司的全球首席經(jīng)濟學(xué)家,。保羅·斯沃茨(Paul Swartz)是位于紐約的波士頓咨詢公司亨德森研究所(BCG Henderson Institute)的董事兼高級經(jīng)濟學(xué)家。

Fortune.com上的評論文章僅代表作者個人觀點,,不代表《財富》雜志的觀點和立場,。

譯者:中慧言-王芳

2022年,在美聯(lián)儲(Federal Reserve)開始以40年來最快的速度加息后,,人們普遍擔(dān)心新興市場會出現(xiàn)危機,。“美國打噴嚏,,世界經(jīng)濟就會感冒”這句老話恰如其分地反映了這一擔(dān)憂,。美國大規(guī)模經(jīng)濟刺激帶來了令人羨慕的經(jīng)濟復(fù)蘇,但也導(dǎo)致了通脹飆升,。如今,,全世界都必須承擔(dān)美國加息帶來的重?fù)?dān),新興市場也因此面臨風(fēng)險,。

但擔(dān)憂的情況并未發(fā)生,。毋庸置疑的是,美國大舉加息對全球資本流動產(chǎn)生了影響,,將美元推高至接近歷史高點,。然而,,對新興市場崩潰的悲觀預(yù)測并未成真。2022年7月的一則典型標(biāo)題是:“新興市場即將迎來歷史性的違約浪潮”,。這究竟是虛驚一場,,還是對即將到來的真正危機的警告?

怎樣才會得感冒

對美國加息帶來的附帶損害的擔(dān)憂并非毫無根據(jù),。在過去幾十年中,,利率上升往往成為新興市場危機的驅(qū)動因素。20世紀(jì)80年代的拉美債務(wù)危機(在保羅·沃爾克大舉加息之后),、20世紀(jì)90年代中期的墨西哥金融危機(Mexican Financial Crisis,在艾倫·格林斯潘收緊政策之后)以及1997年的亞洲金融危機(Asian Financial Crisis,,1998年波及拉美和東歐)都有其特殊的驅(qū)動因素,,但美國利率上升都起到了一定的作用。

當(dāng)美國利率上升時,,經(jīng)濟感染可能會通過一系列連鎖效應(yīng)擴散,。當(dāng)?shù)乩蕰S著美國利率的上升而上升,使得新興市場經(jīng)濟體面臨不可持續(xù)的債務(wù)水平,。這反過來又會使新興市場更難吸引資本,,甚至導(dǎo)致資本外逃。其結(jié)果是美元走強,,新興市場貨幣走弱,,對于固定匯率制度或以美元而非本幣借款的國家來說,這是一大特殊問題,。最重要的是,,美國加息的目的是減緩本國經(jīng)濟增長速度,從而降低出口量和對其他國家的匯款,。

新興市場經(jīng)濟體如今更加強勁

盡管感染渠道幾乎沒有發(fā)生改變,,但如今新興市場增強了抵御風(fēng)險能力。美國打噴嚏不再自然而然地意味著新興市場也會感冒,。

毋庸置疑的是,,新興市場的孤立挑戰(zhàn)繼續(xù)蔓延到斯里蘭卡、巴基斯坦和贊比亞等地,。各國面臨的挑戰(zhàn)都是在美國加息周期之前出現(xiàn)的,,盡管美國加息可能加劇了各國已有的問題。但沒有證據(jù)表明會出現(xiàn)系統(tǒng)性和傳染性的經(jīng)濟危機——就像20世紀(jì)90年代末亞洲金融危機影響全球經(jīng)濟那樣,。

為什么如今的新興市場經(jīng)濟體比20世紀(jì)八九十年代更加強勁,?簡單地說,盡管新興市場經(jīng)濟體是多元化群體,,但平均而言,,各經(jīng)濟體如今更強大,,浪費更少,而且管理日臻完善,。

關(guān)鍵經(jīng)濟體的外匯儲備余額增加,,增強了其抵御風(fēng)險能力。許多經(jīng)濟體成功擺脫了以美元計價的債務(wù),,而且隨著本幣債務(wù)份額的增加,,受匯率波動影響的程度也有所降低。同時,,能夠迅速消耗外匯儲備的匯率剛性已經(jīng)被匯率政策的靈活性所取代,。

更完善的經(jīng)濟管理也會帶來回報。近年來,,與美國和其他發(fā)達國家相比,,這些市場審慎的財政政策減少了新冠疫情引發(fā)的刺激,從而減少了新債務(wù),。許多國家對新冠疫情后的通脹壓力做出快速反應(yīng),,這表明其央行的獨立性和可信度均有所提高。

這種潛在的抵御風(fēng)險能力在市場上也是顯而易見的,。自2022年年初以來,,墨西哥比索和巴西雷亞爾等新興市場貨幣對美元走強,而發(fā)達市場同類貨幣(歐元,、日元)則走弱,。新興市場和發(fā)達市場長期利率之間的利差一直在壓縮。

完全免疫并不現(xiàn)實

雖然抵御風(fēng)險能力很重要,,但并不能完全避免感染,。預(yù)計新興市場會出現(xiàn)更多孤立的危機。事實上,,在大多數(shù)年份,,新興市場最不發(fā)達的10%的經(jīng)濟體都出現(xiàn)了負(fù)增長,這一比例在發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體中很少見,。但大范圍蔓延的門檻更高,。

一場具有全球系統(tǒng)性影響的危機需要多種因素共同作用。首要因素是規(guī)模,。要想產(chǎn)生全球影響,,需要具有重大經(jīng)濟影響力的市場出現(xiàn)動蕩。據(jù)估計,,新興經(jīng)濟體對發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體的“溢出效應(yīng)”僅為發(fā)達經(jīng)濟體對新興經(jīng)濟體“溢出效應(yīng)”的五分之一,。第二大因素是金融聯(lián)結(jié)。實體經(jīng)濟下滑本身并不足以推動危機迅速蔓延,并產(chǎn)生破壞性影響,,因此,,需要金融系統(tǒng)在危機中起到放大和加速作用。第三大因素是出其不意,。如果一場危機隨著時間的推移而加?。ㄍǔG闆r下,政府會試圖控制問題),,市場和銀行通??梢宰龀稣{(diào)整并減少損失。第四大因素是地緣政治,。一場嚴(yán)重的沖突可能導(dǎo)致局勢復(fù)雜化,,并快速造成不可預(yù)測的破壞。

戰(zhàn)術(shù)前景如何,?美國利率快速上升的最糟糕時期已經(jīng)過去,,見頂近在眼前。與此同時,,美元已經(jīng)從幾十年來的高點回落,緩解了壓力,。盡管如此,,除非美國經(jīng)濟陷入衰退,否則高利率可能會持續(xù)下去,,而且隨著債務(wù)到期,,以及必須逐步展期,高利率的全面沖擊才會逐漸顯現(xiàn),。

如何做到在疾病傳染時不被感染,?

新興市場危機的風(fēng)險對美國意味著什么?從歷史上看,,新興市場危機的危害往往被高估了,。美國躲過了最嚴(yán)重的沖擊,這或許不公平(美國利率上升往往是導(dǎo)火索),。美國可能會打噴嚏,,但不會感冒。

想想20世紀(jì)90年代末的亞洲金融危機吧,。這場危機從亞洲蔓延到拉丁美洲和東歐,,并通過俄羅斯一路蔓延到美國。美國最大的受害者是長期資本管理公司(Long-Term Capital Management),。1998年9月,,該大型對沖基金需要自己的銀行家來拯救。系統(tǒng)性風(fēng)險不容忽視,市場情緒顯然是恐懼的,。時任美國聯(lián)邦儲備委員會(Federal Reserve Board)主席的艾倫·格林斯潘甚至說:“在世界壓力急劇增加的情況下,,美國能夠保持‘繁榮的綠洲’地位而不受影響是難以置信的?!?/p>

然而,,盡管疾病蔓延到了美國,但還是得到了控制,。美國的季度GDP增長率在1997年第二季度之后沒有低于3%,,而且總體上更為強勁。只是在新興市場危機過去后,,美國本土互聯(lián)網(wǎng)泡沫破裂時,,其季度GDP增長率才出現(xiàn)下跌。

全球宏觀經(jīng)濟總是在各大危機之間徘徊——從未進入經(jīng)濟學(xué)教科書里所說的平衡狀態(tài),。過去,,新興市場危機一直是全球關(guān)注的焦點,未來可能還會如此,。但如今的情況并非如此,,這是有充分理由的。對于那些持相反觀點的人,,我們要求他們承擔(dān)相當(dāng)大的舉證責(zé)任,。(財富中文網(wǎng))

菲利普·卡爾松-斯萊扎克(Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak)是波士頓咨詢公司(BCG)紐約辦事處的董事總經(jīng)理兼合伙人,也是該公司的全球首席經(jīng)濟學(xué)家,。保羅·斯沃茨(Paul Swartz)是位于紐約的波士頓咨詢公司亨德森研究所(BCG Henderson Institute)的董事兼高級經(jīng)濟學(xué)家,。

Fortune.com上的評論文章僅代表作者個人觀點,不代表《財富》雜志的觀點和立場,。

譯者:中慧言-王芳

When the U.S. sneezes the world economy catches a cold. Last year, the old adage aptly captured widespread concern about an emerging markets (EM) crisis after the Fed started to raise rates at the fastest pace in 40 years. Large stimulus had delivered an enviable U.S. recovery but also contributed to surging inflation. Now, the world would have to bear the burden of higher U.S. interest rates, putting emerging markets at risk.

But little of that has transpired. Sure enough, much higher U.S. interest rates have exerted their pull on global capital flows, pushing up the U.S. dollar to near all-time highs. The bleak predictions of an emerging markets meltdown, however, have not played out. “Historic cascade of defaults is coming for emerging markets,” read a typical headline from July 2022. Was it a false alarm or a warning of a real crisis that is yet to come?

How to catch a cold

Concerns about the collateral damage of rising U.S. interest rates are not unfounded. In past decades, rising rates frequently laid the foundation for EM crises. The Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s (after Paul Volcker’s large interest rate increases), the Mexican Financial Crisis in the mid-1990s (after Alan Greenspan’s policy tightening), and the Asian financial crisis in 1997 (which spread to Latin America and Eastern Europe in 1998) each have idiosyncratic drivers, but higher U.S. rates played a role.

When U.S. rates rise, economic infection can spread through a variety of cascading effects. Local interest rates rise in response to higher U.S. rates, making their debt less sustainable. That, in turn, can make it harder for emerging markets to attract capital–or even drive capital flight. The effect is a strengthening of the U.S. dollar and weakening of EM currencies, a particular problem for fixed currency regimes, or those who borrowed in dollars rather than local currency. And top of that, higher U.S. rates are designed to slow the U.S. economy–lowering export volumes and remittances for other nations.

EM economies are more robust today

Though the channels of infection are little changed, emerging markets are more resilient today. A U.S. sneeze no longer automatically means emerging markets catch a cold.

To be sure, isolated challenges in the emerging world continued to percolate in places such as Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Zambia, among others. Each originates before the U.S. rate hiking cycle, though it likely exacerbated their problems. But there is no evidence of a systemic and contagious economic crisis–the way the Asian Financial Crisis infected economies globally in the late 1990s.

Why are emerging markets economically more robust today than in the 1980s and 1990s? Put simply, though a diverse group, on average, they are stronger, less profligate, and better-run economies today.

Critical economies have grown their reserve balances, boosting their resilience. Many have successfully shifted out of dollar-denominated debt, reducing vulnerability to currency fluctuations as local currency liabilities gained share. And currency rigidity that can quickly drain reserves has given way to flexible exchange rates.

Better economic management also pays off. In recent years, prudent fiscal policy in these markets has delivered smaller pandemic-induced stimulus–and thus less new debt–than in the U.S. and other developed countries. And many were quicker to respond to post-pandemic inflationary pressures–pointing toward independent and credible central banks.

This underlying resilience is also visible in markets. Emerging market currencies, such as the Mexican peso and Brazilian real have strengthened versus the dollar, while their developed market peers (euro, yen) have weakened since the start of 2022. And the spread between long-term emerging and developed market interest rates has stayed compressed.

Full immunity is not realistic

Though resilience matters, there is no full immunity against the risk of infection. More isolated EM crises should be expected. In fact, in most years the bottom decile of EMs log negative growth, a share rarely seen for developed economies. But widespread contagion is a higher bar.

A crisis of global systemic relevance would require a confluence of factors. First, size. A market of significant economic heft would need to falter to drive global impact. It’s estimated that “spillover effects” from emerging to developed economies are just a fifth of those running from developed to emerging economies. Second, financial linkages. To drive rapid and damaging contagion a real economy downturn is not enough on its own–financial systems would need to amplify and accelerate the crisis. Third, surprise. If a crisis builds over time (as can often be the case, as governments try to keep the problem in check) markets and banks are often able to adjust and limit damage. Finally, geopolitics. A serious conflict could drive complexity and hasten unpredictable damage.

What is the tactical outlook? The worst of fast-rising U.S. rates is behind us, and the top in sight. Meanwhile, the dollar has already retreated from its multi-decade highs, easing pressures. That said, elevated rates are likely to remain unless a U.S. recession bites, and the full brunt of higher rates is only experienced gradually as debt matures and must be rolled over incrementally.

Spreading the disease but not catching it?

What does the risk of an EM crisis mean for the U.S.? Historically, the damage of EM crises has often been overestimated. The U.S. evaded the worst impact, perhaps unfairly, as rising U.S. rates were often the trigger. The U.S. may sneeze, but not catch the cold.

Consider the Asian Financial Crisis of the late 1990s. It spread from Asia to Latin America and Eastern Europe and via Russia all the way to the U.S. Its biggest U.S. casualty was LTCM (Long-Term Capital Management) a large hedge fund that needed to be rescued by its own bankers in September of 1998. Systemic risk could not be dismissed, and the mood was decidedly fearful. Alan Greenspan, then chair of the Federal Reserve Board, even said, “It is just not credible that the United States can remain an oasis of prosperity unaffected by a world that is experiencing greatly increased stress.”

Yet, despite the paths of contagion leading back to the U.S., the disease was contained. U.S. quarterly GDP growth did not drop below 3% after the second quarter of 1997 and was generally much stronger. It slumped only when the domestic dot.com bubble imploded after the EM crises had passed.

Global macro is always a journey from crisis to crisis–never settling into the equilibrium of textbook economics. In the past, EM crises dominated global concerns–and likely will again in the future. But there are good reasons why that is not the case today. Demand a high burden of proof from those who claim otherwise.

Philipp Carlsson-Szlezak is a managing director and partner in BCG’s New York office and the firm’s global chief economist. Paul Swartz is a director and senior economist at the BCG Henderson Institute in New York.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

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